Conceptualizing Stress

Despite nearly a century of research on various aspects of stress, investigators still find it difficult to achieve consensus on a satisfactory definition of this concept. Most of the studies contributing to this review simply define stress as circumstances that most people would find stressful, that is, stressors. We adopted Elliot and Eisdorfer’s (1982) taxonomy to characterize these stressors. This taxonomy has the advantage of distinguishing among stressors on two important dimensions: duration and course (e.g., discrete vs. continuous). The taxonomy includes five categories of stressors. Acute time-limited stressors involve laboratory challenges such as public speaking or mental arithmetic. Brief naturalistic stressors, such as academic examinations, involve a person confronting a real-life short-term challenge. In stressful event sequences, a focal event, such as the loss of a spouse or a major natural disaster, gives rise to a series of related challenges. Although affected individuals usually do not know exactly when these challenges will subside, they have a clear sense that at some point in the future they will. Chronic stressors, unlike the other demands we have described, usually pervade a person’s life, forcing him or her to restructure his or her identity or social roles. Another feature of chronic stressors is their stability—the person either does not know whether or when the challenge will end or can be certain that it will never end. Examples of chronic stressors include suffering a traumatic injury that leads to physical disability, providing care for a spouse with severe dementia, or being a refugee forced out of one’s native country by war. Distant stressors are traumatic experiences that occurred in the distant past yet have the potential to continue modifying immune system function because of their long-lasting cognitive and emotional sequelae (Baum, Cohen, & Hall, 1993). Examples of distant stressors include having been sexually assaulted as a child, having witnessed the death of a fellow soldier during combat, and having been a prisoner of war.

In addition to the presence of difficult circumstances, investigators also use life-event interviews and life-event checklists to capture the total number of different stressors encountered over a specified time frame. Depending on the instrument, the focus of these assessments can be either major life events (e.g., getting divorced, going bankrupt) or minor daily hassles (e.g., getting a speeding ticket, having to clean up a mess in the house). With the more sophisticated instruments, judges then code stressor severity according to how the average person in similar biographical circumstances would respond (e.g., S. Cohen et al., 1998; Evans et al., 1995).

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A smaller number of studies enrolled large populations of adults who were not experiencing any specific difficulty and examined whether their immune responses varied according to their reports of perceived stress, intrusive thoughts, or both. Other studies have examined stressed populations, in which a larger range of subjective responses may be detected. This work grows out of the view that people’s biological responses to stressful circumstances are heavily dependent on their appraisals of the situation and cognitive and emotional responses to it (Baum et al., 1993; Frankenhauser, 1975; Tomaka, Blascovich, Kibler, & Ernst, 1997).

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